Thank you all for being here this afternoon
Before I begin, I'd like to acknowledge that we're meeting on Tohono O'odham homeland, and as a visitor
I'd like to pay my respects to their elders' past,
present, and emerging.
My presentation
revolves around the politics of
the same kind of acknowledgement that I've just made,
only this time in contemporary Australia. The map here is meant to give you a sense of the diversity of
Aboriginal peoples on that continent, many of whom are multilingual.
There's a more interactive version of this map, with much greater resolution,
available at the website there at the bottom, and I'd recommend having a longer look at that when you get the chance.
I'm talking today about Kim Scott's
award-winning 2010 novel, That Deadman Dance, which takes place in Noongar country of present-day, Western Australia.
As you can see, the term Noongar refers to a broader collective of many distinct subgroups in the way that Anishinaabe and
Pueblo do in native North America.
The encircled area here depicts the novel's specific setting and the author's home, which is present-day Albany.
That Deadman Dance
resists the linear chronology of the typical plot summary. Most of the action takes place between
1826 and 1844, though this period is divided into a prologue and four other non-consecutive "parts" in the novel.
Further disrupting a linear chronology, scenes from protagonist Bobby Wabalinginy's later life intersperse the entire text,
regardless of the novel's 'parts,' so that the novel develops events contemporaneously in a given year-- say,
1836-- but also an elder Bobby's present time, the exact year of which is never stated.
Bobby is a storyteller
and Deadman is his story and so much as it is the story of the place that formed him and how Anglo
settlement gradually changed his home
Noongar and British settlers peacefully cohabitate for much of the novel, with some characters even forming intimate bonds of friend- and kinship.
Wunyeran and Dr. Cross form the strongest of these cross-cultural relationships,
though both men meet untimely deaths because of a pervasive illness that significantly reduces the Noongar
population. The two men are buried together, a symbolic representation of the novel's central arguments that, one,
Aboriginal and arrive at populations could have lived together in harmony
and, two, that Anglo-Australian colonization was not an inevitability but a deliberate process.
Bobby embodies the possibility of syncretism that exists between the two cultures that he uses language to mediate.
Other forces are at work,
however and King George Town's expansion from temporary military garrison to permanent settlement hastens the deterioration of
Indigenous-settler relationships.
Geordie Chaine and his employees play a central role in this process, as the unscrupulous Chaine and amasses more and more capital through smuggling,
overharvesting of the whale population, and even arranging his daughter's marriage to a politically powerful suitor
He is aided in many of these endeavors by Skelly, a former convict and master craftsman who harbors deep resentment toward the Noongar people,
increasingly exploiting the power he derives as Chaine's employee to enact a litany of
physical, sexual, and emotional abuses.
Bobby remains hopeful throughout the novel that the settlers will honor Noongar sovereignty and their cultural protocols for reciprocity,
particularly sharing resources after settler capitalism has disrupted Noongar foodways.
Bobby makes the final plea to Chaine and company in one of his trademark elaborate performances,
only to be shunned by those whom he assumed to be his friends and extended family.
His despair over having failed for the first time as a storyteller is compounded when, in the novel's closing sentences,
it is implied that police shoot the two of the remaining Noongar elders still active in the novel, Menak and Manit.
My reading of That Deadman Dance suggests that the novel must be understood in the political and cultural
contexts during which it was produced
(the first decade of the 21st century) and not only those in which it is said (the early to mid 19th century).
This marks a departure from previous readings to treat Deadman as a historical novel, and more specifically, a postcolonial
"contact" novel.
Instead, my analysis re-centers elements of Noongar cultural sovereignty evident throughout the text,
particularly in scenes depicting hospitality protocol,
welcoming rituals, and makarrata, a Yolngu word describing the process for finding just
resolutions to disputes through truth-telling and adherence to traditional Law.
In order to form to perform this analysis, I need to first provide an overview of contemporary Aboriginal-
settler political relations in Australia.
The advent of Australia's reconciliation agenda in the early 1990s coincides with
what has been termed the history wars
(which are not that unlike the so-called "culture wars" that occurred during the same period in the US).
Essentially, the history wars refer to conservative backlash toward
multiculturalism and the political left's growing tendency to speak more openly about colonial violence against indigenous people.
Those supporting the movement toward reconciliation
between settler and Aboriginal Australians were often derided for having taken a "black armband
view of history," or sorry, "a black arm band view of history," to which progressives countered by accusing
conservatives of wearing a "white blindfold" when looking at national history.
Writers soon began to take up the question of whether contemporary white Australian citizens should mourn or celebrate their country's past.
Within a decade,
there are enough reconciliation-themed creative works to suggest a new literary movement amongst Australian writers (as
evidenced by two critical monographs shown here).
There's a longer discussion to be had about differences between
settler author and indigenous authored
reconciliation narratives: what motivates them, what they accomplish, but in the interest of time, I'm gonna save that for later talks.
Reconciliation and/or recognition initiatives have occurred in the US and Canada during this same period, and, as in Canada and the US,
Australian reconciliation follows official policies of Extermination and Assimilation.
Australian reconciliation is unique and that the federal government has recognized Native Title land claims,
offered an official apology for child removal practices, and pursued constitutional reform to recognize the legal rights of
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
Often framed as progressive developments that celebrate Australia's cultural diversity, these
Reconciliatory or conciliatory gestures have also come under criticism as examples of liberal
multiculturalism that subverts claims to indigenous sovereignty and
legitimizes settler state dominance.
So, I'm providing this timeline not to inundate you with information,
but to give you a sense of the rate at which major legal and social developments occurred,
(particularly throughout the 1990s) and you might prefer instead to look at the timeline on the back of your handout
instead of following along here.
The major points to note are the two high court rulings, which not only knowledge Native Title
officially disavowing the discovery doctrine of terra nullius,
but in the case of WIC ruled that Native Title and pastoral leases for agricultural production could coexist.
The 1997 Bringing Them Home report
addressed the traumatic experiences of members of the Stolen Generations, those children who were officially removed and
placed in boarding schools, and that
publication led to the inauguration of a national Sari Day the following year.
By contrast,
notice the rate at which significant developments slowdown within the 2000s. Now,
I suspect this is partly related to two events that happened in 2001: the first being what is now called the Tampa affair in which
several hundred refugees, mostly from Arab countries,
arrived in Australian international waters and demanded asylum, and the second of course being
what we call "9/11" now,
which dominated global politics for much of a decade.
This suggests to me the persistence of a certain misnomer in settler nations,
that indigenous issues are separate from and perhaps less important than issues of national security,
international diplomacy, and immigration regulation. It's important to also note that from 1996 to 2007,
conservative John Howard served as prime minister and either stymied or walked back some of the more progressive measures of the reconciliation
agenda. For instance, the Yorta Yorta ruling determined that Aboriginal peoples claim to Native Title can be extinguished
if the observance of traditional laws and customs of that country are substantially
interrupted, and that's precisely what settler colonialism does.
"Welcome to Country" and the closely-related "Acknowledgement of Country"
rituals refer to a recent phenomenon an Australian settler society of
ceremonially
acknowledging traditional ownership of colonized lands.
The primary distinction between Welcome and Acknowledgement rituals involve a speaker.
Welcomes can only be performed by recognized elders of the representative Aboriginal peoples
associated with the country upon which those events are taking place.
While acknowledgments, can be performed by any non-indigenous person or by an Aboriginal person not from that particular country.
These related rituals gained widespread acceptance as part of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd's
reconciliation agenda, which included his much more discussed formal apology of the Stolen Generations in
2008.
As with apology, scholars working in Aboriginal and Australian Studies,
debate the degree to which Welcome and Acknowledgement ceremonies engender tokenistic
representations of Aboriginality under the guise of liberal multiculturalism.
Anthropologist Kristina
Everett has written about one of the more outrageous instances of such tokenism, in which the Darug people of western Sydney
have been routinely invited to deliver Welcome to Country speeches-speeches
even after their Native Title claims have been dismissed by the courts.
Without directly stating as such, these invitations imply that indigenous sovereignty is a symbolic
superficiality allowed to exist within the structures of state rule.
Despite their disagreements, scholars acknowledge that Aboriginal Elders often accept Welcome to Country invitations as a means of
formally stating opposition to the state's claim to place.
Curtis Roman states that he very rarely agrees to deliver Welcome speeches because of their conciliatory nature, though
he adds"Welcome to Country should be seen as an opportunity to take some
leadership and say something that can be or that can make a positive difference something that educates and initiates reflection."
Those of us working in Indigenous Studies in native North America
might think of such counterclaims into relation to what Kevin Bruyneel calls "the third space sovereignty" which he contends quote
"acknowledges the colonial imposition of boundaries on indigenous political
subjects while also showing how this location on the boundaries is... the site of practices that challenge colonial rule."
So in that spirit, my framing of That Deadman Dance isn't meant to suggest that at moments of content--
contact are not critically important to the history of settler indigenous relations. Rather,
I would suggest that Scott's novel makes legible the important distinction that indigenous sovereignties existed well before and
persist long after the arrival of settler colonizers.
As a quick aside, you might have noticed in one of the earlier--
I don't know if you can see it from that far away, but in the American version
or the American printing of the novel, Linda Hogan blurbs
in saying, "Never has a first contact story been so true and powerful."
We all know the nature of blurbs,
but I'm certainly not gonna stand here with a copy of mean spirit in my bag and
going to Oklahoma to give this talk
and say that Linda Hogan is not right about this being a contact narrative.
Rather, I read her endorsement of Scott's novel as being
more true and powerful to be a gesture of the shortcomings of first contact stories
that I'm thinking of here, right? How they inherently privileged the arrival of settlers as the origin point for temporal
narrative and social ordering that normalizes boundaries between settlers and indigenous peoples.
So, adapting this concept of welcoming as a critical lens for Deadman
rather than "contact," does not magically solve the problematic power dynamics of settler dominance.
It might even appear to merely repackage them giving the conciliatory politics of Welcome to Country rituals.
To avoid doing so, I suggest that the hospitality protocol described in Scott's novel will be understood, first, in terms of
Aboriginal sovereignty and, secondly, in relation to the concept of makarrata rather than the federal government's
reconciliation platforms.
From the very beginning of That Deadman
Dance, Scott
unsettles the primacy of Anglo arrival and first contact. The prologue is set in the most recent time during which the novel takes place,
with Bobby already advanced in age and living alone, on the beach, in a meager dwelling.
The section opens with Bobby speaking one word -- "Kaya"-- which readers quickly learn
translates to "hello" or yes" in his traditional
Noongar language.
Already, the novel has disrupted the linear chronology and settler centrality that typifies contact scenes, as the 'first
contact' to take place in the novel occurs between the reader and Bobby,
who offers us a traditional greeting-- a welcome of sorts.
The first contact between the novel's Noongar and Anglo characters also takes place in the prologue, though it to subverts the "collision of cultures"
motif generally associated with such narratives.
Basic elements of this scene might not initially seem too dissimilar from the conventions of a more traditional
contact novel, as readers witness an encounter between an Aborigine and an Anglo character meeting on a beach, the "first
frontier" that existed between Indigenous settler peoples. And there are certainly elements of intrusion and
potential violence underlying their exchange.
Bobby's been sitting alone upon the beach writing short phrases to himself on a piece of slate.
Chaine arrives unannounced but for the "heavy tread" of his steps, and "thrust[s] himself into the little hut" uninvited.
Bobby immediately notices that there is a "[h]ardy space for the two of them beneath this roof" and that if "Kongk breathes deep,
stands up straight, this shelter'll explode."
This contact scene also registers a number of marked differences between the two men.
Chaine embodies excess, in wealth and habit (he exudes the smell of rum and cigars) and physicality.
Bobby notes that Chaine hasn't just overcrowded the small space with his size,
he also "[steams] with rain and body heat and ruddy health."
He is seemingly overrun in bodily surplus, to the point that "water cascade[s] over the brim of his hat and
gushe[s] from his bristling beard."
Bobby, on the other hand, can "[feel] the cold seeping into his bones," which lie under his "loose and wrinkled skin."
The stark difference between the two men's bodies foreshadows settler Chaine's
capitalist accumulation and Bobby's loss of traditional culture, through readers will be unaware of these developments until much later in the novel.
Here, they merely appear to have a slightly uncomfortable intimacy between them.
It might be tempting to read the contrasts between Chaine and Bobby as evidence of the novel having fallen into one of the
traps of the contact form, the binary of savagism and civilization.
But even as Chaine disrupts Bobby's world, this isn't a collision between men who consider themselves enemies,
nor is it their first meeting.
Readers learn in a later chapter that the title 'kongk' refers to a "special uncle,"
meaning that, even though Chaine is a wealthy settler, Bobby regards him with some degree of familial respect and even adoration.
Bobby does appear diminished by comparison, bereft of basic comforts and with his body breaking down where Chaine's exudes vitality.
But Bobby is not the vanishing native
we've become familiar with through other contact narratives (such as Fenimore Cooper's The Leatherstocking Tales [which shows up twice in this book]);
in fact, he has an incredible generative power that manifests itself through his use of language:
"Life tingled in his very fingertips,"
the narrator tells us. Bobby keeps watch on the horizon while Chaine blusters about
(crumbling, farting, and telling his hosts that he ought to build a fire-- he's not a very good guest)
he leaves on account of not having seen any whales spouting.
Bobby narrates Chaine's leave-taking
on his piece of slate, writing "Kongk gon wailz cum."
No sooner than he's written these words,
Bobby sees them come to fruitition.
His inexorable strength as a storyteller is on full display here, as the prologue comes to a close with these words:
Bobby wrote and made it happen again and again in seasons to come, starting just now, here. Kaya.
Here, kaya seems to have a dual function, with Bobby perhaps greeting the returning whales in the same way in which he greeted readers, but also affirming that, yes,
Bobby has recorded an event that will be encountered by readers for generations to come. In this regard,
Bobby's language skills also serve to affirm the continuation of Noongar culture, as does Scott's novel.
Indeed, Scott incorporates Noongar protocol throughout Deadman, a technique especially evident in
passages in which non-Indigenous characters are welcome to Noongar country. The charismatic Wunyeran routinely mediates between
Noongar and British arrivants, acting both as a diplomat and negotiator.
Perhaps the most notable scene in which he performs these duties occurs when he trains his new friend Dr.
Cross to meet Menak in the proper way.
The narration describes Wunyeran as playfully "maneuvering" Cross toward the elder Noongar man, who
"held out a hand across the shrinking space between them.
Cross grasped it and Menak immediatley pulled him into embrace. He then lifted him from the ground and with his arms around Cross's waist
turned in a full circle. Eyeball to eyeball:
one man in a cloak of an animal skin, a hair belt, and with mud and grease smeared over his skin; the other
with only the flesh of his face and hands exposed
Menak released him and stepped back.
A booming-- a beaming Wunyeran gestured for cross to remove his jacket, than he unclapsed Menak's cloak and slid it from his shoulders.
He handed each man the other's attire.
The novel has by this point established that the particular form of embrace and ceremonial exchange of clothing are customary practices
amongst the Noongar people. In this instance, readers experience the ritual from the Englishman's point of view:
"The surprisingly soft and pliable
kangaroo skin hung easily from Cross's shoulders, enclosing him in the smell of another man, a very different man, of course,
but a man for all of that. Noongar,
he remembered.
The scent was not so much that of a body
but of sap and earth, the oils and ochres and who knew that else of this land."
Wunyeran and Cross demonstrate their mutual potential for cross-cultural understanding
here, both in the ways in which Wunyeran facilities the meeting and the way in which Cross's
participation in the intimate ritual reminds him of their shared humanity.
In other words, the first meeting between Menak and Cross is not so much about "profound difference" or cultural collision as it is about a
recognition of shared humanity and cross-cultural exchange.
The details with which Scott describes this scene further suggests that what readers experience here is not merely
contact between two different cultures
but the observance of proper welcoming protocol through an interpersonal Noongar ritual involving reciprocity.
Wunyeran's role in the formal introductions affirm his important standing amongst the Noongar people,
as only certain members are qualified to carry out a mediator's obligations.
Together, Wunyeran and Menak are also affirming their claim to belonging,
as the ritual is not only meant to introduce Cross to an important member of this Noongar group
but also as a means of negotiating a relationship between the visitor Cross and the Country.
The exchange of clothing suggests that Wunyeran and Menak are extending
hospitality to Cross by offering him a form of protection from the country to which they intimately belong.
Francesca Merlan explains that from a local ingenious point of view,...
introductions are protective, not simply 'welcoming' in the ordinary understanding of that word as 'kindly reception or greeting.'
There is a pervasive indigenous sensibility that the living country may present dangers to people unknown to it
and whose being is not intimately involved with it.
Therefore, practices [like garment exchange], as well as a local's addresses to ancestral beings
announcing who has come to visit, are understood to reduce that element of foreignness that might attract harm.
Merlan further notes that "people who perform these kinds of acts
assume that the country and its living forces are sensitive to smell,
that locals and non-locals can be distinguished, and the olfactory difference between them can be reduced by these small acts."
Cross first notices the feel of the kangaroo cloak,
yes,
but the smells associated with it are even more poignant- a scent that ir richly layered with elements of the
country ("of sap and earth... oils and ochres").
Thus, Wunyeran and Menak extend hospitality and
protection to their guest and, in the process, affirm their inherent right to do so as hosts on these lands.
Much of this cross-cultural goodwil will have been undone by the novel's tragic conclusion.
Wunyeran and Cross both succumb to illness, and while their shared burial site initially
signifies the bonds they worked to establish in their lifetimes, the grave's eventual desecration by town-planners
symbolizeds the breaking of those bonds as the greed of men like Chaine spurs on the settlement's 'progress.'
Settlers' unwillingness to honor Noongar protocols for reciprocity
compounds the unrest developing around Chaine's
institutionalization of market capitalism through resource exhaustion and labor exploitation.
Foodways have been disrupted by
overpopulation and overhunting, and when Bobby
Menak, and their countrymen are denied a share of settlers' sheep and imported goods to which they are entitled by traditional protocol,
the Noongar begin taking food without Chaine's permission.
Bobby is eventually jailed for these offenses,
but during an informal trial he reveals having witnessed Chaine murder two
Aboriginal servants indentured to the colony's governor.
In exchange or a signed testimony that (unbeknownst to him)
excuses Chaine for any wrongdoing,
Bobby is granted a small audience with settlers for whom he performs what is essentially a makarrata ceremony.
Now, I borrow the term 'makarrata' from the Uluru Statement from the Heart, issued by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
--excuse me, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
delegates of the Referendum Council at the 2017 National Constitution Convention
Which was held at Uluru, a sacred site for many Aboriginal Australians. In that statement,
council delegates define makarrata as "the coming together after a struggle."
More specifically, the term refers to
ceremonial practices meant to end disputes and ensure that grudges do not persist into the future.
Now, this can but does not always involve spearing a perpetrator or a member of the offending in the thigh-
but that is the case with Skelly in the novel, and that's why he hates the Noongar.
In the Ulura statement, delegates call for the establishment
of a Makarrata Comission to "supervise a process of agreement-making... and truth-telling about our history."
Now, this differs from the majority of the federal government's Reconciliation measures-from Native Title legislation to Welcome and Acknowledgement of Country rituals-
In that makarrata insists on inherent Aboriginal sovereignty and the right to negotiate
outside the strictures of imperial rule brought to Country via settler invasion.
Makarrata remakes reconciliation
from a settler-centric process of recognition into reciprocal process of
renegotiation.
Bobby clearly understands his performance toward the end of the novel in this sense, as he
lightheartedly teases the doubting Menak and Manit: "Hadn't he escaped the lockup from a few words on paper?" he asks them
"Child's play. What was that against dance and song?"
Intending to "show them how people must live here, together,"
Bobby gently scolds the settlers for their unwillingness to adapt to Noongar Law.
Narrating his own dance,
he observes that "some people come to live here, and wanna stay like they never moved away from their own place,"
He reminds them of the "need to be inside the sound of spirit of [the place] to live here properly."
"How can that be," he asks the settlers, "without we people who have been here for all time?"
In his final address to the audience, he simultaneously
reasserts his sovereign authority and the reciprocal nature of Noongar hospitality: "This is my land," he states,
"give me the Kongk Menak. We will share it with you, and share what you bring."
Bobby's performance does the work of the makarrata in that it affirms Aboriginal belonging,
involves truth-telling about wrongs that have been committed (in contrast to the way in which his signed confession
obscures the truth), and offers a peaceful resolution in order to restore harmony moving forward.
His performance proves unsuccessful, as most of the audience leaves the meeting without comment.
As they make their departure, Bobby overhears the gunfire suggesting that the elders Menak and Manit have been shot in the book's final sentence.
Bobby's profound sense of loss at the novel's conclusion transports readers back to the epilogue,
explaining his bitterness and destitution, as well as the distance that exists between himself and Chaine later in life.
Familiar genre conventions of historical novels suggest that the conclusion of Deadman should be read as the story's inevitable outcome,
thus aligning the novel with conventions of Australia's archetypal contact narrative.
Bobby's greeting to readers-kaya - as well as the revelation that he has recorded King George Town's settlement history in a journal
challenges such readings.
Despite all that has transpired, Bobby retains the power to welcome visitors o his ancestral Country
and the ability to translate his history into a medium white audiences are more likely to understand than traditional song and dance.
In this way,
Bobby's story and Scott's novel are doing similar work to that of many Elders offering Welcome to Country speeches, as well as the
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander delegates of the Referendum Council who met at Uluru in 2017. Each of these examples
suggests that Aborigines' claims to belonging have not been extinguished by
Australian settler colonialism, and that such claims do not originate from the authority of settler government.
Many of the themes found in works by Aboriginal Australians are also at play in the literature of
Native North America, and there are ample opportunities for relational resesarch at coursework.
in concluding this presentation,
I'd like to discuss educational resources and potential courses that go beyond the scope of my specific research into Scott's novel.
First, I want to draw your attention to the AusLit Database, the premiere digital humanities exhibition and online resource for the study of
Australia's literary traditions. During my Fulbright Fellowship of 2017,
I interned for AusLit and developed an exhibition on Australian literature around settler colonialism, which includes an annotated bibliography of
creative and scholarly works, a
timeline of key events and publications, a glossary of critical terms, and units on themes and motifs for comparative analysis.
Now, what this particular exhibition is geared towards teaching undergraduate students interested in relational analysis between the U.S. and Australia
AusLit's special collection, BlackWords, is both comprehensive and detailed enough to support graduate level research on
Aboriginal Australian prose, poetry, film, and music.
I'm still working with AusLit as a Content Developer and would equally pursue
opportunities for collaboration with colleagues, graduate students, and affiliated programs
interested in Indigenous digital humanities.
I've prepared a few sample syllabi that demonstrate how I would develop specific courses on or integrate Aboriginal Australian texts into
courses offered that also encompass native North America.
I'm particularly interested in offering a course that brings together Indigenous scholarship on sovereignty and
reconciliation with creative works by Native artists in Australia, the U.S. and, Canada.
I'm thinking here of scholarship by Aileen Moreton-Robinson and Larissa Behrendt, Audra
Simpson, Jody Berg, Taiaiake Alfred, and Glen Coulthard.
I'm interested in how works like Layli Long Soldier's poetry collection Whereas, (which responds to an overlooked piece of
2000-2009) legislation formally apologizing to Indigenous Americans) can be placed into conversation with Behrendt's
documentary After the Apology, which chronicles for Aboriginal grandmothers' struggle against child removal a
decade after Rudd's public apology to the Stolen Generations.
Other creative works would include in the US Stephen Graham Jone's The Bird Is Gone, from Austrailia
Kim Scott's most recent novel Taboo, and from Canada Tracey Linberg's Birdie
for the ways of which they frame issues of land rights around historical trauma in relation to the lived experiences of contemporary Indigenous peoples.
These works are particularly interesting because they imagine individual
reconciliation through self-discovery and healing that take place within and outside of the parameters of settler society.
Once again, I think you've being here this afternoon, and I'd like to open the conversation up now to any questions.
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